{"id":382,"date":"2012-12-14T12:10:39","date_gmt":"2012-12-14T07:10:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/?p=382"},"modified":"2014-08-31T14:19:17","modified_gmt":"2014-08-31T09:19:17","slug":"climate-gateway-to-nowhere","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/2012\/12\/14\/climate-gateway-to-nowhere\/","title":{"rendered":"Climate Gateway to nowhere"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The  poli<img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" id=\"ctl00_ContentPlaceHolder1_imgMain\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http:\/\/images.thenews.com.pk\/12-12-2012\/Opinion\/12-12-2012_147895_l_akb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"150\" height=\"150\" \/>tical reality of climate change has yet again failed to meet the  need of the hour. The latest round of climate change negotiations (COP  18) that just concluded in Doha failed to come to grips with the gravity  of nature\u2019s warning and proved to be as inconsequential as had been  feared. No real commitments pledged, no real finance delivered and, most  importantly, no real leadership. The momentum in the climate talks  which lost its way a few years ago at Copenhagen has failed to be  reignited. This year at Doha the negotiations really seemed to be  desperately searching for relevance.<!--more--><\/p>\n<div><strong> <\/strong>The irony is that  this fading global response is now totally out of sync with the  increasing physical reality and urgency of a changing climate, which is  constantly threatening nature\u2019s status quo. The US East Coast is still  reeling from the fury unleashed by Hurricane Sandy, while unprecedented  floods were wreaking havoc in the Philippines as the global political  actors huddled for more talks in the corridors of the climate meeting at  Doha. Nature\u2019s alarm bells could not influence the circus of political  negotiations that are now increasingly getting divorced from reality.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The  timid outcome of the two-week talks was a well-rehearsed final marathon  session which culminated with the COP chairman rapidly hammering  through a set of decisions termed \u201cDoha Climate Gateway.\u201d What is  strikingly obvious from this document is that the two much-needed  targets of raising the ambition of the climate polluting developed  countries and of honouring their oft-repeated promise of delivering  adequate climate finance to developing countries both remain missing.<\/p>\n<p>Outside  the negotiation rooms, however, climate change has forcibly dictated  its own set of rules and costs. While the last three years of climate  negotiations have fought over how, when, by whom and to whom the  promised figure of $100 billion in climate change finance would be  delivered, Hurricane Sandy alone billed the world\u2019s largest climate  polluter, and also the most obstinate negotiator, to a figure of $100  billion in damages. That is the irony of nature\u2019s fury.<\/p>\n<p>What  the Doha meeting did manage to do was extend a last-minute lifeline to  the Kyoto Protocol, which would have otherwise expired at the end of  2012. The 1997 Kyoto Treaty had obliged 35 developed countries to curb  their carbon emissions by an average of at least 5.2 percent below 1990  levels during the four-year period of 2008-2012. Even though the last  few years saw the unceremonious exit of Russia, Japan and Canada from  it, the Kyoto Protocol still survives as the only legally binding  instrument in the climate arena and, backed primarily by promised deeper  emission cuts from the EU and Australia, has now been extended by  another elongated eight-year term.<\/p>\n<p>This will allow carbon  trading to further expand and use the markets to shift economic growth  onto a low-carbon trajectory, particularly in developing countries where  most of this growth is set to happen. The real credibility of this  extension depends on the emissions targets that the developed countries  voluntarily choose to take upon themselves. This essential element has  been left open-ended, however, with more negotiations to happen in the  coming year.<\/p>\n<p>The Doha decisions have also affirmed and  reiterated the need for adopting a universal climate agreement by 2015  while agreeing to recognise the mitigation actions undertaken by  developing countries in a specialised registry. This does sound good,  but read the small print and it effectively translates into a clampdown  on the principle of \u201ccommon but differentiated responsibility.\u201d This  equity principle had established the historical responsibility of  climate change on the developed countries and forced them to not only  take up emission commitments under the climate regime but also assist  developing countries in coping with climate impacts. However, the  climate talks have now slowly eroded this principle and reversed the  ethical pressure onto the developing countries to become part of a  universal agreement. The developing countries, which are not responsible  for the global climate mess, are already prime victims of climate  impacts and need emission space to support their future economic  growths. They will collectively suffer the consequences of this  weakening stance on the CBDR principle.<\/p>\n<p>Pakistan is the  strongest case in point. With less than 0.5 percent of global carbon  emissions, Pakistan is considered among the top ten climate-affected  countries, a prime case of global climate injustice. In the past decade,  Pakistan has been in the thick of climate-triggered disasters ranging  from droughts to unprecedented floods to freak monsoon activity to  unpredictable cyclonic threats. It has suffered a constant financial  drain due to such disasters, which is estimated at $10 billion in 2010,  $7 billion in 2011 and is again running in the billions in 2012. More  alarmingly, climate modelling research studies (NEEDS, 2010) project  this trend to continue, with future climate-related costs predicted to  be in the range of $6-14 billion every year.<\/p>\n<p>Amid this  backdrop, a silver lining after the \u201cDoha Gateway\u201d is the commitment for  developing a new financial instrument to estimate and potentially  compensate affected countries for the \u201closs and damage\u201d occurring due to  climate change. For a country like Pakistan such an instrument could  have extremely far-reaching implications, particularly because it  explicitly includes slow-onset events such as the floods that ravaged  through the country in the recent past. However, the utility of all such  instruments lies not in endless intellectual debates and nuanced  negotiations at the climate talks but in the actual delivery of climate  finance, which has so far remained absent.<\/p>\n<p>The appalling  lack of progress on climate-finance commitments reflects the  single-largest failure of countries to act with urgency and resolve on  climate change. Doha witnessed yet another unapologetic reiteration of  the old promise of $100 billion\/year finance by 2020, while only a  paltry $6 billion in concrete commitments showed up on the table from  Germany, the UK, France, Denmark, Sweden and the EU. The rest of the  promised finance remains a pipedream.<\/p>\n<p>On an institutional  note, the Green Climate Fund \u2013 which, incidentally is yet to be actually  funded \u2013 has now been housed in South Korea while the Climate  Technology Centre which is promising to deliver appropriate and feasible  transfer of technology has been given over to a consortium overseen by  the UNEP. Both these Doha decisions, although of a purely housekeeping  nature, could eventually help to streamline the delivery of these two  important elements of climate change whenever the political will finally  crystallises.<\/p>\n<p>The Doha Gateway may have opened the  floodgates to even more futile talks and political posturing, but it has  certainly not paved a pathway towards arresting the climate crisis.  While the world has collectively chosen to shy away again from climate  challenge, Pakistan as a country remains on the frontline of this crisis  and does not have the luxury of opting out of this situation. It needs  to set its house in order to plan and prepare for this challenge and  wage a war that is crucial for its own survival as a viable economy  directly threatened by climate change.<\/p>\n<p>The writer, a  former minister of state for environment, is member of the Advisory  Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development. Email:  amin.attock@gmail.com<\/p>\n<p><a id=\"ctl00_ContentPlaceHolder1_HyperLinkReporter\" title=\"Read all articles \/ stories Malik Amin Aslam Khan\" href=\"http:\/\/www.thenews.com.pk\/TodaysPrintWriterName.aspx?ID=9&amp;URL=Malik%20Amin%20Aslam%20Khan\">Malik Amin Aslam Khan<br \/>\n<\/a> Wednesday, December 12, 2012<br \/>\nFrom Print Edition<br \/>\nSource: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.thenews.com.pk\/Todays-News-9-147895-Climate-Gateway-to-nowhere\">http:\/\/www.thenews.com.pk\/Todays-News-9-147895-Climate-Gateway-to-nowhere<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The political reality of climate change has yet again failed to meet the need of the hour. The latest round of climate change negotiations (COP 18) that just concluded in Doha failed to come to grips with the gravity of nature\u2019s warning and proved to be as inconsequential as had been feared. No real commitments &hellip; <\/p>\n<p class=\"link-more\"><a href=\"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/2012\/12\/14\/climate-gateway-to-nowhere\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> &#8220;Climate Gateway to nowhere&#8221;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-382","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news-from-members","category-pnc-web"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/382","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=382"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/382\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":386,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/382\/revisions\/386"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=382"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=382"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/pnc.iucnp.org\/wp\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=382"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}